The Muslim Brotherhood youth network FEMYSO and its “European Action Day Against Islamophobia”

I. The problem

1. State of play. The “European Action Day Against Islamophobia” of 21 September is an activist event launched in 2014 as an NGO initiative with the Council of Europe under the “No Hate Speech Movement”.

Its original title was “European Action Day Against Islamophobia and Religious Intolerance”; the second half has since been dropped.

The 2026 edition was announced in a FEMYSO Instagram post of 13 August 2026. It places the EU flag next to the FEMYSO logo and announces that registration for the Action Day is open. It also mentions a three-day “Unite & Act” consultation meeting bringing together 36 young Muslims from 15 organisations, “Co-funded by the European Union” (Annex IV, exhibit 1).

The announcement comes five weeks after the Bureau of the European Parliament, meeting on 7 July 2026, is reported to have decided to exclude FEMYSO from Parliament activities, including the European Youth Event. That decision is documented by MEP Marion Maréchal’s announcement of 8 July 2026 and by the press coverage that followed. The decision followed a letter to President Metsola, initiated by MEP Marion Maréchal and co-signed by some thirty MEPs from centre-right and right-wing groups, warning against exposing young Europeans to an organisation linked to radical Islam (letter of 27 May 2025, copy held by the authors).

The FEMYSO website describes the EADAI conference as “hosted at the European Parliament in Brussels” and as bringing together MEPs, public officials and journalists each year. FEMYSO publicly disputes the exclusion there (Annex IV, exhibit 2) and states that Parliament formally clarified, in an official reply addressed to FEMYSO, that “no discriminatory decision has been taken” against the organisation.

FEMYSO cites that official reply without publishing the document, its author or its date, so that the claimed rebuttal remains unverifiable. The same statement reports expressions of solidarity from MEPs and claims participation in every edition of the European Youth Event since 2016. The internal orientation document for participants in the conference scheduled for 21 September asks participants to meet the FEMYSO team in front of Parliament at 8 a.m. to complete accreditation formalities and collect their entry badges (Annex IV, exhibit 5).

2. The organisation. FEMYSO operates as the European youth umbrella of the Muslim Brotherhood and as a route into its leadership. The evidence is set out in Annexes I and II. In short, FEMYSO was founded in 1996 on the initiative of FIOE, linked to the Muslim Brotherhood, which has since changed its name to the Council of European Muslims (CEM). Its leadership genealogy runs from Ibrahim El-Zayat (born in 1968 in Marburg, Germany) to Hend Taner of Millî Görüş, president of FEMYSO from 2021 to 2023, by way of Huda and Youssef Himmat, children of Muslim Brotherhood financier Ghaleb Himmat, and Intissar Kherigi, daughter of Ennahdha president Rached Ghannouchi.

The 2025 report of the French Ministry of the Interior identifies FEMYSO as the youth branch of the CEM and as a “training structure for high-potential cadres of the movement”. For its part, German domestic intelligence has documented its Brotherist character in reports spanning two decades, most recently in the current reports of Baden-Württemberg and Brandenburg, the latter noting that FEMYSO seeks to influence EU bodies and may benefit from their subsidies. The Brotherhood, banned as a terrorist organisation in Egypt, Saudi Arabia, the Emirates and Jordan among others, is among the largest and best organised Islamist movements in the world.

3. The funding arrangement. Responding to Focus on Western Islamism, a FEMYSO spokesperson stated in early September 2026 that the organisation “does not currently receive any operating, structural or other grant directly from the EU”, pointing to its entry in the transparency register and to the accounts filed with the Belgian authorities. That statement may be accurate as regards direct grants, but indirect grants exist.

The ECR Group report written by two experts, Dr. Florence Bergeaud-Blackler and Dr. Tommaso Virgili, “Unmasking the Muslim Brotherhood”, documents how groups affiliated with the Muslim Brotherhood “play the system” by adopting the vocabulary of calls for proposals and going through consortia, so that legitimacy and money arrive by indirect routes.

The funding route can be traced from the published project pages. A search of the Commission’s Financial Transparency System, carried out on 16 September 2026 on the 2014-2025 dataset, returns no beneficiary under the name “femyso” (exhibit 3). This does not mean that no record exists: the search covered only the acronym, it does not cover the full legal name or other identifiers, and the dataset stops before the 2026 commitments (Annex III).

FEMYSO’s Finances page lists the European Commission, the European Parliament, the Council of Europe and its European Youth Foundation, ENAR and the Open Society Foundations among the sources from which it seeks funding. This is not a list of confirmed ongoing grants; the accounts shown on that page cover 2018-2020. The money trail runs as follows. The European Commission funds, from the Union’s external action budget and through its DEAR programme (Development Education and Awareness Raising) managed by DG INTPA, a four-year consortium on discrimination and structural racism, the TACKLE community.

TACKLE does not spend these funds itself: it redistributes them as sub-grants, and it is Avocats Sans Frontières, the contracting entity, that signs the agreements and pays the money out from Brussels, EUR 45,000 to 60,000 per selected project under the 2025 call.

One of those projects is EmpowerAction (Empowering European Muslim Youth Against Structural Racism), led by FEMYSO, which Avocats Sans Frontières presents as its sole partner organisation: eighteen months, from January 2026 to July 2027, in six countries - Belgium, France, Spain, Sweden, Finland and Albania. And “Unite & Act” is one of the three EmpowerAction activities.

TACKLE is funded by the European Commission’s DEAR Programme and operates a cascading/sub-granting mechanism administered by Avocats Sans Frontières. The 2025 TACKLE call provided grants of €45,000-€60,000 per selected project, with ASF as the contractual entity and payments made by ASF from Brussels.

FEMYSO can thus be co-funded by the EU without appearing as the direct beneficiary of a European grant. It is this intermediated route that makes the search in the Financial Transparency System come up empty. The individual sub-grant agreement and the exact amount reaching FEMYSO are not disclosed (chain visualised in Annex IV, exhibit 6).

The Council of Europe is, moreover, a second channel of money and legitimacy in its own right. Recall that the Council of Europe is an international organisation of 46 member States, institutionally distinct from the European Union and from the similarly named EU bodies, the European Council and the Council of the European Union. The “Youth Innovating Democracy” event held at the European Youth Centre in Strasbourg from 24 to 26 June 2026 was organised with the European Youth Forum under the Monegasque chairmanship of the Committee of Ministers, where participants drafted a youth manifesto feeding into the New Democratic Pact for Europe. According to the published conditions for the event, the Council of Europe covered all meals, accommodation and travel for participants; FEMYSO, according to its own social media posts, took part.

4. The institutional contradiction. Despite the criticism it faces, FEMYSO has enjoyed European institutional support: European Parliament rooms for its conferences, participation in every edition of the European Youth Event since 2016 according to its own statements, relays in Commission communications and cooperation with the EU Agency for Fundamental Rights.

To this support is added EUR 288,856 in European funding between 2007 and 2019, recorded by Bergeaud-Blackler and Virgili (2025) under three programmes: Youth in Action, Erasmus+ and Rights, Equality and Citizenship.

The 2021 hijab campaign illustrates this tension: run with the Council of Europe under a joint programme with the EU, it was withdrawn in November 2021 after French objections. This support therefore raises the question of consistency between the concerns expressed about FEMYSO and the decisions of the European institutions towards it.

For the 2026 conference, the blue starred European flag is associated with an initiative that explicitly aims to influence public policy. FEMYSO’s internal document says so plainly: the objective is to prepare demands and then to carry them to MEPs, public officials and journalists; the point, according to FEMYSO, is to “turn those ideas into political demands and action” (Annex IV, exhibit 4).

The document accuses Europe of complicity in a genocide in Gaza. It also cites attacks on mosques, the repression of the Palestine solidarity movement and the surveillance of Muslims under counter-terrorism policy. It presents the fight against Islamophobia as an objective of public policy.

European support for FEMYSO is the subject of a parliamentary challenge in France. In her written question no. 18209, published on 15 September 2026, MP Constance Le Grip asks for explanations about the organisation’s European funding. She relies on two elements:

- The report of the National Assembly commission of inquiry, examined on 10 December 2025, which attributes to FEMYSO a role in disseminating Muslim Brotherhood thinking and in influence operations directed at the European institutions.

- An initiative presented by France, Austria and the Netherlands to the General Affairs Council on 21 October 2025. These three States call for better tracking of the use of European funds and for stronger checks before and after they are awarded, so that they do not benefit organisations linked to Islamism or antisemitism.

The MP also notes a discrepancy between a Commission reply and the funding displayed by FEMYSO. On 25 January 2023, the Commission stated that the projects concerned had ended and that FEMYSO was then receiving no European funding, direct or indirect. The written question nevertheless mentions three activities presented as co-funded by the EU in 2026: “Unite & Act”, a seminar held in Albania in January and the EADAI conference.

At the United Nations, in 2022, the EU criticised the use of the term “Islamophobia”, defending the distinction between protecting people from discrimination and protecting a religion from criticism. On 10 May 2023, the European Parliament called for checks on NGOs’ respect for the Union’s values. It also called for a public blacklist allowing NGOs responsible for certain serious breaches and registered in the European early detection and exclusion system, EDES, to be barred from access to the institutions and to funding (discharge resolution for the 2021 financial year, paragraph 19).

If the exclusion measure reported in relation to FEMYSO is confirmed and concerns this conference, the institutions will have to explain how it fits with the support maintained. The question is therefore a precise one: what support was granted, by which institution, and after what checks?

II. Our suggestions

1. Clarify the European Parliament’s position

The Secretary-General of Parliament should state whether the Bureau decision of 7 July 2026, whose existence has been reported, imposes restrictions on FEMYSO. He should publish its content, state whether it is still in force and explain the scope of the reply invoked by FEMYSO on 24 August.

Parliament should also indicate whether rooms, services or accreditations were granted for the conference of 21 September 2026, and on what basis. If a restriction applicable to this event is in force, the authorisations granted must be brought into line with that decision, under the procedures provided for.

2. Verify the funding of the conference

The Commission should identify precisely which European funds finance or facilitate the organisation of the conference and through which bodies they pass. This check should be coordinated by its Secretariat-General and the Directorate-General for International Partnerships (DG INTPA), with the services responsible for justice and education where necessary.

The Commission should then verify compliance with the funding conditions. If it finds a breach, it should determine the appropriate measures: a request for correction, suspension or withdrawal of the co-funding, or correction of the use of the European flag. Its conclusions should be communicated to the consortium lead and to the other funders concerned.

3. Make the funding chain public

The Commission should publish the documents that make it possible to follow European funds through to their final beneficiaries:

The funding agreement for the TACKLE project, supported by the DEAR programme, with the identity of the signatories and the role of Avocats Sans Frontières.

The list of organisations receiving TACKLE sub-grants, with the amounts awarded.

The agreement granting FEMYSO a sub-grant for EmpowerAction, with its amount and the payment schedule.

The programme and the budget line funding the EADAI conference.

It should also state whether the seminar held in Albania in January 2026 falls under EmpowerAction. The fact that this project began in January 2026 and includes Albania among its six countries of intervention warrants this check, without being sufficient to establish the financial link.

The use of several intermediaries must not prevent it being known who receives European funds, for what amount and for what activities.

4. Better coordinate access and funding decisions

Before the next annual review of the implementation of the European budget, the Commission and the institutions responsible for budgetary control should establish a common procedure: where one institution imposes a restriction on an organisation, the services that fund it should be informed and should examine the possible consequences.

This review should also cover indirect funding, paid through a consortium or an intermediary body.

A restriction on access to Parliament does not, however, automatically justify exclusion from European funding. Any exclusion, registration in the European early detection and exclusion system (EDES), or corresponding publication must rest on the applicable legal grounds and respect procedural safeguards.

5. Clarify the objectives of the funded projects

For projects devoted to combating “Islamophobia”, the institutions should verify precisely what the term covers and which actions are funded.

The objective must be explicit: to protect people from anti-Muslim hatred and discrimination, while preserving the freedom to criticise a religion or an ideology. This distinction should guide the examination of projects, consistent with the position expressed by the EU at the United Nations on 15 March 2022.

6. Ask the Commission and Parliament for precise answers

MEPs could put the following questions to the Commission:

“Can the Commission state:

Whether FEMYSO’s “Unite & Act” activity is funded by the DEAR programme, via TACKLE and a sub-granting mechanism managed by Avocats Sans Frontières?

What amount was awarded to FEMYSO for EmpowerAction, and whether it will publish the corresponding agreement together with the list of TACKLE sub-grant beneficiaries and the amounts awarded?

Whether the seminar held in Albania in January 2026 and the EADAI conference of 21 September 2026 fall under that same grant; if not, which programmes and which budget lines fund them?

Which EmpowerAction activities are carried out in Sweden, Finland and Albania, and on which provisions of the call for proposals their eligibility rests, in particular those of section 2.3 on communication and advocacy?

Whether it has examined the consequences of any restrictions imposed on FEMYSO by Parliament, and how it responds to the demands for traceability of funds made by France, Austria and the Netherlands on 21 October 2025?”

A separate request to the President of Parliament should cover the authorisations and accreditations granted for the conference of 21 September 2026.

7. Mobilise the Member States, in particular France and Germany

If the European institutions do not provide sufficient answers, France and Germany should take this file to the Council of the EU. Their finance ministries could act together with their interior ministries, relying on the French and German reports cited in this document.

France has already taken steps on the funding of organisations hostile to European values: a note prepared in May 2025, then a joint initiative with Austria and the Netherlands, presented on 21 October 2025. Germany should join that move, and the four governments should explicitly request an examination of the FEMYSO case.

In concrete terms, they should:

Call for transparency on this funding during budget discussions in the Council and during the annual discharge procedure, by which Parliament rules on the implementation of the budget after a recommendation from the Council.

Call for a review of the alleged links with the Muslim Brotherhood and, where the legal conditions are met, for the application of the exclusion measures provided for.

Check national co-funding in order to identify any payments to the same organisations through other channels.

The aim is to be able to follow all the public funds concerned and to verify that their award complies with the rules and the conditions announced.

Annex I: FEMYSO’s Brotherist profile in four dimensions

Genealogy: FEMYSO was founded in 1996 on the initiative of the Federation of Islamic Organisations in Europe, today the Council of European Muslims (CEM), the Brussels umbrella of national organisations linked to the Muslim Brotherhood (Bergeaud-Blackler and Virgili 2025, p. 21; Heinisch et al., p. 30).

Personnel: its co-founder and first president was Ibrahim El-Zayat (born in 1968 in Marburg, Germany; Steinberg 2010, p. 152), declared a member of the Muslim Brotherhood by the Brotherhood’s own outlet, Ikhwanweb (Bergeaud-Blackler and Virgili 2025, p. 21; Heinisch et al., p. 30); its first vice-president was Huda Himmat, whose brother Youssef Himmat later became president of FEMYSO, both children of Ghaleb Himmat, a Syrian-born, naturalised Italian financier of the European Muslim Brotherhood network (Bergeaud-Blackler and Virgili 2025, p. 21); another former president is Intissar Kherigi, a lawyer and daughter of Rached Ghannouchi, president of the Tunisian party Ennahdha, which is linked to the Muslim Brotherhood (Bergeaud-Blackler and Virgili 2025, p. 21); and from 2021 to 2023 the organisation was led by Hend Taner, a Dutch member of Millî Görüş, the Turkish Islamist movement whose German branch the Verfassungsschutz has documented alongside the Brotherist milieu.

Network: FEMYSO has shared its Brussels address with the World Assembly of Muslim Youth and the European Forum of Muslim Women (Bergeaud-Blackler and Virgili 2025, p. 21), and its 32 member organisations from 22 European countries (Bergeaud-Blackler and Virgili 2025, p. 21; Heinisch et al., p. 30; figure repeated by Avocats Sans Frontières on the EmpowerAction project page, 2026) include the youth branch of Millî Görüş (Heinisch et al., p. 30) and, for years, the Muslimische Jugend Österreich (Bergeaud-Blackler and Virgili 2025, p. 37).

Function: the 2025 report of the French Ministry of the Interior identifies FEMYSO as the youth branch of the CEM and as a structure for training the movement’s future cadres. Two recent German-language books deepen this picture. Heinisch, Scholz and Gustenau place FEMYSO within the Muslim Brotherhood’s strategic model: founded to unite all Brotherhood-affiliated youth and student organisations in Europe (p. 30), deployed for lobbying up to EU level (p. 94), and used to produce legitimacy through partnerships with respected institutions, legitimacy that opens access to public debate and to funding while shielding the network from critical scrutiny (pp. 115, 117). Adamek documents the German feeder structures of the same milieu, traces the flows of money and people into politics and associational networks, and shows how the accusation of “anti-Muslim racism” silences officials who might otherwise act.

Annex II: twenty years of German domestic intelligence reports

German domestic intelligence has documented FEMYSO’s profile for two decades, in official reports produced under a statutory mandate, well before the current debate opened. The Baden-Württemberg Verfassungsschutz report for 2006 already described FEMYSO as an organisation funded by Saudi donors and dominated by the Muslim Brotherhood, founded in 1996 by FIOE together with the Saudi World Assembly of Muslim Youth, with the youth branch of Millî Görüş sitting on its board. The federal report for 2013 recorded FEMYSO as an umbrella organisation of Muslim youth in Europe “die von MB-nahen Organisationen beeinflusst wird” (influenced by organisations close to the Muslim Brotherhood). The Baden-Württemberg report for 2024 completes the picture at the level of individuals and structures: it names Ibrahim El-Zayat as co-founder and long-time president of FEMYSO, whom the then Supreme Guide of the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood, Mohammed Mahdi Akef, called the “head of the Muslim Brotherhood in Germany”; it notes that Khallad Swaid, current president of the Deutsche Muslimische Gemeinschaft, previously chaired FEMYSO; and it records that Millî Görüş is represented by individual members within the ECFR and FEMYSO, a sign of connections within the Brotherist milieu. The most recent report, Brandenburg’s for 2025, published in 2026, closes the loop with Brussels. It states that FEMYSO was founded in Brussels by Muslim Brothers and is likewise led by them; that in the immediate vicinity of the European Union institutions it coordinates youth and student work in Europe and promotes the training and networking of future generations of Muslim Brothers; that FEMYSO works with European Union bodies and “kann von deren erheblichen Subventionen profitieren” (can benefit from their considerable subsidies); that the declared objective of a “European Muslim identity” is presented as a fight against “Islamophobia”; and, citing Florence Bergeaud-Blackler of CERIF, that the official EU institutions wrongly see in it a commitment to pro-democratic principles. In the structural overview in the same report, FEMYSO appears among the central Muslim Brotherhood organisations as the umbrella responsible for the Brotherhood’s youth work at European level.

Official reports by the federal and Land authorities span two decades and repeatedly place FEMYSO in the Muslim Brotherhood milieu. The Brandenburg report for 2025 also states that FEMYSO seeks to influence EU bodies and may benefit from their subsidies. This assessment of potential access to funding must be distinguished from proof of specific payments.

Annex III: funding history and open questions

Documented EU funding to FEMYSO amounts to EUR 288,856 spread over projects between 2007 and 2019 (Bergeaud-Blackler and Virgili 2025, p. 21), including EUR 70,187 for the IMAN project implemented with the Collectif contre l’islamophobie en France, since dissolved (Bergeaud-Blackler and Virgili 2025, p. 38); the MEET project, in which FEMYSO took part, received EUR 443,021 from DG Justice under the REC programme (Bergeaud-Blackler and Virgili 2025, p. 35). The exact amount of the 2026 co-funding is not disclosed, even though the channel is now documented.

The search reproduced in exhibit 3, dated 16 September 2026, found no beneficiary matching the acronym “femyso” in the 2014-2025 dataset of the Financial Transparency System. This limited search does not rule out records under the full legal name or under other identifiers.

The “Unite & Act” trail runs from the Commission’s DEAR programme to the TACKLE community, whose contracting entity Avocats Sans Frontières operates a cascading sub-granting mechanism and names FEMYSO as the partner responsible for the EmpowerAction project, of which “Unite & Act” is one activity (Avocats Sans Frontières, TACKLE project documents); the 2025 TACKLE call provided grants of EUR 45,000 to 60,000 per project, with payments made by Avocats Sans Frontières from Brussels (2025 TACKLE call via Capacity4dev; chain visualised in exhibit 6). ASF’s FAQ identifies ASF as the contracting entity for the sub-grants. Establishing how this support is recorded requires the grant identifiers and searches beyond the acronym alone. The dataset presented does not cover the 2026 commitments; the registers of the programmes concerned and of the national agencies should also be checked.

Still missing are FEMYSO’s individual sub-grant agreement and the exact amount, as well as the funding identifiers for the Albanian seminar of January 2026 and for the EADAI conference. FEMYSO’s “Unite & Act” project page cites the EU as co-funder but provides no grant identifier (FEMYSO, “Unite & Act” project page); its reference to Council of Europe member States describes the geographical scope of the participants (FEMYSO, “Unite & Act” project page, 16 July 2026).

FEMYSO’s Finances page partly answers the question of channels. It lists the sources from which FEMYSO seeks funding: the European Commission, the European Parliament, the Council of Europe for study sessions, its European Youth Foundation, ENAR and the Open Society Foundations (FEMYSO, Finances page). ENAR has itself received substantial EU funding, but that does not establish that its particular payment to FEMYSO came from European resources. The page publishes aggregated accounts only for 2018 to 2020, leaving 2021-2025 unreported on that page. The 2020 accounts record three separate receipts: FEMYSO booked EUR 948.19 from the Council of Europe, EUR 6,500 from ENAR and EUR 6,728 from the EU-funded MEET project, whose grant to the consortium totalled EUR 443,021 (FEMYSO, Finances page; Bergeaud-Blackler and Virgili 2025, p. 35). The EUR 6,728 corresponds to an annual amount and should not be taken as FEMYSO’s total share in the multiannual MEET grant.

The verification routes are the published TACKLE documents of Avocats Sans Frontières and the Commission’s Capacity4dev platform, the Financial Transparency System for the commitment to Avocats Sans Frontières, the Erasmus+ project results platform, the Funding and Tenders portal, FEMYSO’s entry in the transparency register (identifier 292913016962-90), and parliamentary questions at European and national level; written question no. 18209 of 15 September 2026 raises the three 2026 activities in the Journal officiel; the publication of a question does not in itself verify the claims it contains.

Annex IV: exhibits

Sources

Sascha Adamek: “Unterwanderung. Der Politische Islam weiter auf dem Vormarsch”. Munich (Langen Müller), 2026

Assemblée nationale: report of the commission of inquiry “sur les liens entre mouvements politiques et réseaux soutenant l’action terroriste ou propageant l’idéologie islamiste”, chair Xavier Breton, examined on 10 December 2025. https://www.assemblee-nationale.fr/dyn/17/rapports/cepolisl/l17b2235_rapport-enquete.pdf

Assemblée nationale: written question no. 18209 by Constance Le Grip, “Financements européens du FEMYSO et lutte contre l’entrisme islamiste”, published in the Journal officiel on 15 September 2026, p. 8331. https://www.assemblee-nationale.fr/dyn/17/questions/QANR5L17QE18209

Avocats Sans Frontières: TACKLE call for project proposals (2025), sections 1.4 and 2.3. https://asf.be/wp-content/uploads/2025/05/Call-for-proposal-TACKLE.pdf

Avocats Sans Frontières: TACKLE Frequently Asked Questions (2025), section 2. https://asf.be/wp-content/uploads/2025/04/FAQ.pdf

Avocats Sans Frontières: EmpowerAction. In: asf.be. Online: https://asf.be/empoweraction

Avocats Sans Frontières: TACKLE project. Promoting actions to address racial discrimination and structural racism. In: asf.be. Online: https://asf.be/project/tackle/

Florence Bergeaud-Blackler (1 September 2026): post on X announcing FEMYSO’s EADAI conference of 21 September 2026 in Brussels. In: X. Online: https://x.com/FBBlackler/status/2094788352973169027

Florence Bergeaud-Blackler / Tommaso Virgili (2 December 2025): Unmasking the Muslim Brotherhood. Brotherism, Islamophobia and the EU. In: ECR Group. Online: https://ecrgroup.eu/publication/unmaskingthemuslim_brotherhood

Bundesministerium des Innern: “Verfassungsschutzbericht 2013”, p. 245 (printed pagination). https://verfassungsschutzberichte.de/bund/2013

Council of Europe: “Youth Innovating Democracy”, youth event of the New Democratic Pact for Europe, European Youth Centre Strasbourg, 24 to 26 June 2026, and “Manifesto: Youth Visions for a European Democracy in 2049”. Online: https://www.coe.int/en/web/new-democratic-pact-for-europe/-/youth-innovating-democracy-a-powerful-manifesto-for-a-democratic-europe-in-2049

European Commission: early detection and exclusion system (EDES), grounds and procedures. https://commission.europa.eu/strategy-and-policy/eu-budget/how-it-works/annual-lifecycle/implementation/anti-fraud-measures/edes_en

European Commission: Financial Transparency System, 2014 to 2025 data, query “FEMYSO” as beneficiary name on 16 September 2026, no result. https://ec.europa.eu/budget/financial-transparency-system/analysis.html

European Commission, Capacity4dev (2025): call for project proposals. TACKLE project, under the DEAR programme. Online: https://capacity4dev.europa.eu/events/call-project-proposals-tackle-project-promoting-actions-fight-racial-discrimination-and-structural-racism_en

European External Action Service (15 March 2022): EU Statement - UN General Assembly: Resolution on International Day to Combat Islamophobia. Online: https://www.eeas.europa.eu/delegations/un-new-york/eu-statement-un-general-assembly-resolution-international-day-combat-islamophobia_en

European Parliament: priority question P-002830/2022 by Dominique Bilde, and reply by Mariya Gabriel on behalf of the Commission, 25 January 2023. https://www.europarl.europa.eu/doceo/document/P-9-2022-002830-ASW_EN.pdf

European Parliament: resolution of 10 May 2023 on discharge in respect of the implementation of the general budget of the European Union for the financial year 2021, Section III, Commission and executive agencies, paragraph 19 (CELEX 52023BP1825). https://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/EN/TXT/HTML/?uri=CELEX:52023BP1825

FEMYSO (12 October 2023): European Action Day Against Islamophobia 2023. In: femyso.org. Online: https://femyso.org/european-action-day-against-islamophobia-2023/

FEMYSO (2024): FEMYSO’s European Action Day Against Islamophobia Conference 2024. In: femyso.org. Online: https://femyso.org/femysos-european-action-day-against-islamophobia-conference-2024/

FEMYSO (2026): Unite & Act: Cross-Border Youth Coalitions for Minority Inclusion. In: femyso.org. Online: https://femyso.org/unite-act-cross-border-youth-coalitions-for-minority-inclusion/

FEMYSO (2026): “EADAI Orientation Session”. Internal presentation for conference participants, 27 pages. Copy held by the authors.

FEMYSO (8 July 2026): FEMYSO Calls for Clarification Following Claims of Exclusion from European Parliament Activities. In: femyso.org. Online: https://femyso.org/femyso-calls-for-clarification-following-claims-of-exclusion-from-european-parliament-activities/

FEMYSO (13 August 2026): Instagram post on the “Unite & Act” consultation meeting and the opening of registration for EADAI, with the EU flag and the mention “Co-Funded by the European Union”. In: Instagram. Online: https://www.instagram.com/p/DbWWTwiHBS/?imgindex=1

FEMYSO (24 August 2026): FEMYSO Welcomes European Parliament Clarification Refuting Exclusion Claims. In: femyso.org. Online: https://femyso.org/femyso-welcomes-european-parliament-clarification-refuting-exclusion-claims/

FEMYSO: EADAI conference. In: femyso.org. Online: https://femyso.org/networking/events/eadai-conference/

FEMYSO: Finances. In: femyso.org. Online: https://femyso.org/finances/

France / Austria / Netherlands: non-paper “Ensuring respect for European values by entities receiving European funding, and strengthening the fight against all forms of hatred, including antisemitism and racism”, presented to the General Affairs Council on 21 October 2025. Online: https://open.overheid.nl/documenten/84f82750-68e4-4446-97b1-448dccdb0608/file

French Republic, Ministry of the Interior: report “Frères musulmans et islamisme politique en France” of 21 May 2025. https://www.interieur.gouv.fr/sites/minint/files/medias/documents/2025-05/2025-05-02-rapport-freres-musulmans.pdf

Global Muslim Brotherhood Daily Watch (13 October 2015): Youth Wing Of The European Muslim Brotherhood Hosts European Parliament Anti-Islamophobia Event. In: globalmbwatch.com. Online: https://www.globalmbwatch.com/2015/10/13/youth-wing-of-the-european-muslim-brotherhood-hosts-european-parliament-anti-islamophobia-event/

Jules Gomes (4 September 2026): European Union Supporting Muslim Brotherhood Youth Event on “Islamophobia”. EU Makes U-Turn After Parliament Expelled Islamist Youth Organization. In: Focus on Western Islamism. Online: https://www.meforum.org/fwi/fwi-news/european-union-supporting-muslim-brotherhood-youth-event-on-islamophobia

Heiko Heinisch / Nina Scholz / Gustav E. Gustenau: “Politischer Islam - eine hybride Bedrohung Europas. Der ‹ Civilization Jihad › der Muslimbruderschaft”. Baden-Baden (Nomos), 2026

Jordan, Ministry of the Interior: announcement banning the activities of the Muslim Brotherhood, April 2025. moi.gov.jo, press release of 23 April 2025

Le Journal du Dimanche (July 2026): Parlement européen. Une organisation proche des frères musulmans interdite après l’alerte de Marion Maréchal. Online: https://www.lejdd.fr/International/parlement-europeen-une-organisation-proche-des-freres-musulmans-interdite-apres-lalerte-de-marion-marechal-178530

Landesamt für Verfassungsschutz Baden-Württemberg: “Verfassungsschutzbericht 2006”, p. 67. https://verfassungsschutzberichte.de/baden-w%C3%BCrttemberg/2006

Landesamt für Verfassungsschutz Baden-Württemberg: “Verfassungsschutzbericht 2024”, pp. 148, 151 and 156 (printed pagination). https://verfassungsschutzberichte.de/baden-w%C3%BCrttemberg/2024

Marion Maréchal (8 July 2026): post on X announcing FEMYSO’s exclusion by the Bureau of the European Parliament. In: X. Online: https://x.com/MarionMarechal/status/2074850061318590909

Ministerium des Innern und für Kommunales des Landes Brandenburg: “Verfassungsschutzbericht 2025”, p. 39 ff. and p. 170. https://mik.brandenburg.de/sixcms/media.php/9/VSB2025Pressefassung.pdf

Baudouin Moucadel (19 May 2025): Financement d’entités “hostiles aux valeurs européennes”. La France interpelle l’UE sur la menace islamiste. In: Le Journal du Dimanche. Online: https://www.lejdd.fr/International/financement-dentites-hostiles-aux-valeurs-europeennes-la-france-interpelle-lue-sur-la-menace-islamiste-158201

Guido Steinberg: “The Muslim Brotherhood in Germany”. In: Barry Rubin (ed.): “The Muslim Brotherhood. The Organization and Policies of a Global Islamist Movement”. New York (Palgrave Macmillan), 2010, p. 152.

Paul Stott / Tommaso Virgili (October 2021): Network of Networks. The Muslim Brotherhood in Europe. In: ECR Group. Online: https://ecrgroup.eu/files/MuslimBrotherhood.pdf

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